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Monday, January 3, 2011

Moving the Agenda Leftward

The new NY Times interview with Alan Grayson is great reading, but it also is important in reminding what is at stake in the next two years politically for House Democrats. I want to take issue with a certain tone of the story that suggests Grayson's thinking is not shared through the beltway, but I fear it may be true.

Let me point at a statement by writer Michael Barbaro instead of a line from Grayson to make my point.

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"While surveying the wreckage of the November elections that cost him his seat and looking to the Congressional term ahead, Mr. Grayson posits that many Democrats have not been acting Democratic enough.

Judging by the results of the midterm elections, it does not exactly seem to be a widespread sentiment.

But at a moment when centrism seems to be the party’s antidote to a redrawn political landscape, Mr. Grayson is setting forth a radically different playbook of sharp elbows and unapologetic liberalism.
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If the lesson that Beltway Democrats take away from the November elections is that they should be more meek, give greater latitude to the right and demonstrate a greater level of spinelessness, then they will be part of an ineffective minority forever. I am afraid many of those left standing in Washington will ignore both the frustration among its base for failing to deliver results and the effectiveness of the GOP minority in becoming more strident in opposition.

Now, I am the first to acknowledge Grayson did not run a very good campaign this year. I noted in September that his Taliban Dan ads did far more to make Dan Webster look like a sympathetic figure and himself appear a raving lunatic. After a couple runs as the insurgent challenger trying to tear down an incumbent, I am afraid Grayson never learned how to run as the incumbent himself.

But his actions in Congress turned him into a national hero among the left, and helped generate financial support from across the country. That should mean something to Democrats looking at their own re-election campaigns in two years.

More importantly, though, is that voters will have zero incentive in two years to return the Democrats to power if the party is spending its days in Washington watering down its own agenda to satisfy a party in the majority. More than ever, Democrats in the House must be acting as the loyal opposition. They shouldn't join in with John Boehner's army. They should expose the overreaches by a tea-party driven GOP at every possible step.

It always strikes me that the GOP is better at being in the minority. They use procedure to stop actions they find heinous. They demand a place in the national debate even if they are losing legislative battles. They compromise little, and refuse to let their brand get tarnished with legislation they don't believe in.

Now, the Democrats are entering a session in which they are the minority. They ought to learn more from the GOP which just took over, and they ought to appreciate the fact placating, compromising Blue Dogs took the greatest hit of any Democratic group this fall. As Daily Kos noted immediately after the election, more than half of the Blue Dog caucus was fed their dogfood on Election Day and sent home with nothing but a congeniality award for their work across their aisle.

Alan Grayson lost, but so did Allen Boyd. And while Boyd was quick to blame the liberals, playing to the center earned him no points with conservative Panhandle voters interested in having a predictable Republican representing them. Even as it became clear Boyd would lose, the press was wringing its hands over how a conservative Democrat could be in trouble. In truth, it's obvious. Conservative voters didn't care how often Boyd sided with them on issues as long as he continued to go on the field in a blue jersey, vote for Nancy Pelosi as speaker and stand with President Obama during the president's expected visits here two years from now.

Now, no one is talking about Boyd running again, but many are urging Grayson to make a fresh run at the seat. I suspect redistricting will make that a hard go, and would rather Grayson find a career in punditry, but it says something that enthusiasm still exists for a candidate supposedly ousted because he was too liberal, but none exists for a seven-term incumbent who promised to be just conservative enough.

13 comments:

  1. Jake, I agree with you that centrism for the sake of votes is a bad idea, but it's no worse than conservatism or liberalism for the sake of votes, it's just less effective. Don't give up on well-considered centrism! All we need are a couple of guys with a pile of money or access to media coverage scattered around the country, and all of a sudden, we've got a movement. Mike Bloomberg may be one. In a few years, Meghan McCain may be another. Jon Stewart, if he ever decided to run, could make a trifecta.

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  2. My problem is that centrism isn't a philosophy at all, but by definition an averaging of extremes. No official will ever represent a monolithic conservative or liberal agenda because those truly do not exist. There will always be something where the needs of your voters or your personal convictions make you break lines. But if Democrats in the House start changing position just for the sake of centrism, all they do is allow extremists on the right to move the goalposts further away.

    Recall that Bob Dole's health care proposal in 1996 was probably more liberal that ObamaCare, yet conservatives today decry this as socialism. Negotiating with people who work in bad faith is a bad idea from the get-go.

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  3. The reason I have almost never voted for a Republican is because I am not a social bigot- race, poverty and cultural background are all targets of right wing bigotry rather than left, and I simply can't identify myself w/ it.
    The reason I like an annoying, obnoxious guy like Grayson is that he is a liberal w/ more balls than brains and that is a rarity on the left. Most of the bombast has always come from the right, so you don't have to like a Beck to realize we need a left wing crazy to balance the rhetoric.
    At the moment that seems to be the ideological breakdown of American politics, but it is simply accepting the left:right format to say there is no ideological center. For instance, I consider myself a Libertarian, but see very little overlap w/ pwd. We probably agree that the primary function of the federal gov't is defense and that we are sick of the gov't stealing our money directly and indirectly, but our 'party affiliation' may stop there. There is no reason a Libertarian should be left or right wing, but the Republicans have managed to co-opt most of us.
    Why should abortion be right wing and environmentalism left wing? Why should you be in favor of oil companies and against wind mills based upon a political position? How can you be in favor of an unregulated financial world and against the recent bailout?
    I consider myself an ideological centrist: I believe we need to cut back on oil use because we are using it up; that global warming is real, whether we caused it or not, and we better do something about it; war is almost always wrong unless you are defending yourself; it is too dangerous to leave the poor uneducated; that over 2000 nuclear weapons have already been exploded and we should limit them as much as possible... preferably before Mexico and Congo start testing them; and that since most money spent by our government is simply intended to line the pockets of political donors we need to reform our elective system.
    Surely there is an ideology in there that doesn't need to be a weak version of either the left or the right? Surely there is a political position that is neither spineless nor venal?

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  4. Maybe I misuse the term centrism. I don't look at it as an averaging or watering down of the extremes, but a rejection of loyalty to the extremes. Monolithic conservatives and liberals may not exist, but politicians tend to vote that way, particularly when their party can't afford to lose their vote. It's one thing to take a principled stand when you're not going to change anything, and it's another to do it when your vote makes a difference. Ask Nader voters from Florida in 2000. Hell, ask Meek voters from November.

    The problem with our democracy is that you don't always get good decisions from the majority, and you don't even necessarily get popular decisions. Hell, with the filibuster in the Senate, you don't even have the majority making decisions! Our political system, much like our monetary system, works (or worked, anyway) on faith. Faith that compromises will be repaid in the future, faith that debate will occur on the substance of an issue, faith that the other guy isn't out to destroy the country. Without that faith, democracy, or any form of government by committee, fails.

    I think a viable third party is necessary to broker compromises and focus discussion, and the only place that party can come from is the center. Such a party would certainly have strong (and conflicting) views on issues. But as Anon points out, your views on the point at which a cluster of cells becomes a person or the value placed on preserving the environment ought to have little to do with each other, and shouldn't pigeonhole you into a political philosophy. That's the point. We need a third party to arise from that portion of the populace that is not loyal to the extremes.

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  5. Unfortunately, our democratic system in America doesn't make third-party voting a good option 99 percent of the time. (As a Meek voter, I would say that was the big problem with the Senate race this year, BTW)

    In some nations, a party that gets 12 percent of the national vote will seat 12 percent of the Legislature. Not America. Here, every race is played out individually, so the winner takes all. That is why we end up with a two-party system, and why parties like to have primaries so that candidates of similar persuasion don't end up splitting the vote.

    When you have a collegial body with more than 400 members making decisions about legislation, partisanship materializes no matter what.

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  6. There were some major problems with Charlie Crist that prevented independents and independent minded Republicans from supporting him - chief among them (for me, anyway), that he didn't decide he and the party had different philosophies until it was clear that he wouldn't win the primary.

    How do countries with the proportional representation you describe seat candidates? Is it like primaries in reverse? Have a general election to decide representation, and then have a "secondary" within the parties to pick representatives?

    When you have a body with more than 2 members making decisions, partisanship materializes no matter what. Which is why I go back to my candidacy for benevolent dictator. And, hell, even if I don't turn out to be benevolent, if the tree of liberty must be refreshed with the blood of both patriots and tyrants, it would still turn out for the better in the end.

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  7. Well, in Italy the Chamber of Deputies is elected that way. The political parties, which tend to belong to two larger coalitions of parties, ran seeking support throughout the country. You don't have candidates individually running for the 630 seats, but have party leaders rallying voters to the many parties, and after the elections things get settled out from there. The president is elected by the Parliament.

    Of course, it is noteworthy that Italy has seen power change an enormous number of times since the current democracy was set up after World War II. Seven different parties have held the presidency since then, according to Wikipedia.

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  8. It could work as long as law stated winning candidate had to have more than 50% of the vote. With more then 2 candidates running, if none had 50%, there would need to be an additional vote with the two candidates who got the most votes.
    The way it works now, when there are more then two candidates running you usually wind up with a winner who doesn't have the support of the majority of the voters - that doesn't work for me.

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  9. I don't think 50% should be necessary - holding run-off elections is a huge expense to the taxpayers. I would think a super-plurality should suffice if the leading candidate has at least 42% of the vote and is at least 10% ahead of the next leading candidate or has at least 48% of the vote

    It's not a factor in Presidential elections, thanks to the Electoral College, but we have had a slew of Presidential elections which would have required a second ballot thanks to the presence of some third party candidates including 1912 & 1916 (Wilson), 1948 (Truman), 1960 (Kennedy) ,1968 (Nixon), 1976 Governor Peanut), 1992 (Clinton - only got 43%) and 2000 (Bush 2)

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  10. Well, if you are deciding seat-by-seat, I think there is a real case that you want a majority. The expense is very real, and why Florida eliminated primary runoffs in state elections about eight years ago. But I think the system worked better before as it guaranteed the winning candidate had the bulk of the electorate. And I know some long-time politicians, like Bob Graham and Cliff Stearns, took some umbrage when the runoff died because the runoff rule brought them into office.

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  11. We tend to view the political spectrum as an ever shifting variation on a bell curve. Whether the weight of opinion is to the left or right, most of it is around the center. If this is a reasonable viewpoint politics will always be a bit right or left of the mean... on any issue.
    Doesn't that sound like chasing any single issue gets us further from the basic position of the country? If I think of abortion as a left or right wing issue it drags me away from the strong center to the extent that I care about that one issue, but it may be completely at odds w/ my positions on monetary issues,racial inequity, etc.
    The concern w/ a multiparty system is that one issue voters gain too much leverage. I like the idea of a strong centrist party and a few weak fringe groups, but we have seen how powerful those single issue groups have become in other countries when their votes were necessary to form a parliamentary majority.
    Our republican system may lead to more corruption than a parliamentary gov't, but seems less dependent on the fringe. At any rate, I couldn't support a centrist party unless it was trying to be active at all levels and areas of the country. We cannot succeed as an army following a man on a white horse.

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  12. I agree Poe - we don't need a Hugo Chavez

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  13. I agree with Bruno that we need to maintain civilian control of the country - Truman was wrong about many things but cashiering MacArthur was not one of them

    Anonymous says he is a Libertarian but finds little overlap with my positions - I suspect that not to be true - we probably have similar aims, but may differ on how best to get there. The GOP may have co-opted most Libertarians, but that's largely because the Democrats never showed us any respect whatsoever, whereas the GOP respected our ideals and to most of us, represents the lesser of two evils

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